Daughter preference in Japan: A reflection of gender role attitudes?

BACKGROUND Unlike other East Asian nations where preference for sons over daughters still prevails, gender preference for children in Japan has progressively shifted from son preference to a noticeable daughter preference over the past few decades. This emergence of daughter preference is surprising given that gender relations are more traditional in Japan than in other advanced countries. OBJECTIVE I focus on the extent to which individuals’ gender preferences are shaped by their gender role attitudes and evaluate whether daughter preference is a reflection of convergence or a persistent divergence in gender roles in Japan. METHODS I use data from the Single Persons subset of the 11th Japanese National Fertility Survey conducted by the National Institute of Population and Social Security Research in 1997. Using multinomial logistic regression, I estimate the relationship between Japanese singles’ gender role attitudes and their type of gender preference for children. FINDINGS Findings suggest that the effect of gender role attitudes on one’s child gender preference differs for men and women. Overall, while daughter preference is associated with nontraditional gender role attitudes for men, daughter preference is associated with traditional attitudes for women. CONCLUSIONS Traditionalism is still driving gender preference, though in a different way for men and women. Emerging daughter preference may not simply be a reflection of improvements in women’s status, but in fact it is likely that persistent divergence in gender roles remain in Japan. 1 National Institute of Population and Social Security Research, Department of Population Structure Research. Hibiya Kokusai Building 6 Floor, 2-2-3 Uchisaiwaicho, Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo 100-0011, Japan. E-mail: [email protected]. Fuse: Daughter preference in Japan: A reflection of gender role attitudes? 1022 http://www.demographic-research.org 1. Background In their report of the 12th Japanese National Fertility Survey (JNFS) conducted in 2002, the Japanese National Institute of Population and Social Security Research (2003; 2004) reported an overall daughter preference among the Japanese. Gender preference for children in Japan has progressively shifted from son preference to a discernible daughter preference over the past few decades. This may appear shocking to sociologists and demographers, as it has been long believed that a preference for sons over daughters prevails in populations of East Asia. In China and South Korea, gender preference has translated into adverse social and demographic issues such as widespread sex-selective abortions and skewed sex ratios at birth. Therefore, there is a large volume of published research that uncovers parental son preference in China (e.g. Arnold and Liu 1986; Coale 1991; Coale and Banister 1994; Johansson and Nygren 1991; Johnson, Huang, and Wang 1998; Li and Cooney 1993; Poston 2002; Zeng et al., 1993) and the Republic of Korea (e.g. Arnold 1985; Chung 2007; Chung and Das Gupta 2007; Park and Cho 1995). However, little research has been published on the state of gender preferences in Japan. Empirical studies attempting to examine motivations for gender preference among the Japanese are also limited. Such a chronic lack of interest is perhaps attributable to: (1) the fact that Japan does not have an abnormal demographic profile (e.g. skewed sex ratio at birth, gender imbalance in infant mortality); (2) the assumption that Japan is similar in its gender preferences for children to its neighbors because of its geographic proximity and a shared Confucius background; and/or (3) the presumption that the Japanese exhibit less or no son preference given its higher level of economic development, thereby making it less appealing to examine. However, because daughter preference has become evident in Japan, it merits more attention and an explanation for this unique phenomenon. This paper has two goals. First, it contributes to the literature by presenting the state of gender preferences for children in Japan. Second, to investigate motivations for gender preference, I focus on context-specific explanations for gender preferences among single, young adults in Japan. Of particular interest is the extent to which individuals’ son/daughter preferences are shaped by their gender role attitudes. In investigating this association, I ultimately hope to evaluate whether daughter preference is a reflection of convergence or persistent divergence in gender roles in Japan. It is possible that emerging daughter preference reflects convergence in gender roles due to improvements in the status of women. However, the significance of this study is to indicate that daughter preference may not necessarily be an indication of high status of women. If daughter preference is a manifestation of a continued divergence of gender roles, it sends a message that further efforts to address gender relations inside and outside the family are needed. Demographic Research: Volume 28, Article 36 http://www.demographic-research.org 1023 1.1 Gender preferences in East Asia Gender preferences for children have been widely observed around the globe. East Asia is one of the most rigorously examined regions, especially concerning the situation of China and South Korea, where son preference has brought adverse social and demographic consequences. Of the 102.2 million women ‘missing’ worldwide in the 1990s due to gender bias in mortality, 41.6 million were estimated to be from China, Taiwan, and South Korea (Klasen and Wink 2002). This region has also attracted attention for its abnormally masculine sex ratios at birth (the number of male live births per 100 female live births). Goodkind (1996) notes that sex ratios at birth rose sharply in the early 1980s as sex-testing technologies became widespread in Korea, China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and among the Chinese populations of Singapore and Malaysia. The rise was especially sharp in China and Korea where sex ratios at birth exceeded 113 by the late 1980s. Son preference in China is widely known for its astonishing estimates of ‘missing’ women and the striking increases in sex ratios at birth over the past few decades. Klasen and Wilk (2002) estimated that the number of missing women in China has increased from 34.6 million (6.3% of all women alive) in 1990 to 40.9 million (6.7% of all women alive) in 2000. High sex ratios due to gender discrimination are also reported. Examining census and survey data, Coale and Banister (1994) report that increases in juvenile sex ratios reflect sex-selective abortions facilitated by widespread access to sex-screening equipment throughout China. Confucian values that promote patriarchal family systems and carrying on the family line are prevalent in China. These values, coupled with strict fertility regulation with the implementation of the national one-child policy in 1979, are assumed to have contributed to the adverse outcomes. Access to reproductive technology (e.g. ultrasound for sex screening) has further reinforced the Chinese inclination to ensure one child of the desired sex. Past studies of China also highlight the negative impact of son preference on the well-being of female children. Johnson, Huang, and Wang (1998), for example, found that the vast majority of abandoned children were reported to be girls, and that girls with one or more older sisters and with no brothers were the most likely to be abandoned. In rural China, girls are less likely than boys to be enrolled in school; among children who are enrolled, girls receive shorter periods of schooling than do boys (Wang 2005). Another East Asian nation, South Korea, is also known for its pervasive son preference. As with China, widespread Confucian ideas that emphasize passing down 2 Since sex ratios at birth range between 103 and 108 in developing countries (Waldron 1998), sex ratios at birth exceeding 113 are far beyond the normal range to the extent that non-biological factors are, without a doubt, contributing to the outcome. Fuse: Daughter preference in Japan: A reflection of gender role attitudes? 1024 http://www.demographic-research.org the family line and providing support for the elderly contribute to son preference in South Korea. Sex ratios at birth increased steadily between the 1970s and 1990s (Park and Cho 1995). Since the sex ratio of first-born children was observed to be particularly high, Park and Cho (1995) argue that there is a preference for the first child to be a son and that South Koreans may be applying sex choice technology. Son preference is particularly evident during the year of the Horse in the lunar calendar, in which women born in the year of the Horse are believed to possess undesirable traits and are destined to an unhappy life (Lee and Paik 2006). Considerable increases in the sex ratio at birth are detected every 12 years during each Horse year. However, there is some evidence of improvement in South Korea. Recent accounts show a decline in son preference in South Korea as indicated by a less masculine juvenile sex ratio in 2000 compared to 1990 (Chung and Das Gupta 2007). Also, the fact that the sex ratio of second births following a son is low indicates that families that already have a son are choosing to have a daughter for their second birth (Park and Cho 1995). 1.2 Gender preference in Japan As with other East Asian nations, Japan has had a Confucius hierarchal social system that values the eldest son to maintain the family lineage and to take care of aged parents. Not surprisingly, son preference was the norm in Japan as well, but this has no longer been the case since late 1980s. Unlike China and South Korea, however, son preference has generally not impacted demographic outcomes in Japan, with the exception of the year of the fire horse in 1966 (Sakai 1987). Like South Korea, Japan observed an increase in its sex ratio at birth that year as it was considered unfavorable to give birth to a girl. The ratio rose to 107.6 in 1966, the highest recorded since 1955. Nonetheless, sex ratios at birth including that of 1966 have been in the tolerable range of 105 to 108 since 1955 (Sakai 1987). The reason why Japan has not received much international policy and academic attention on this subject is perhaps because gender preference has not translated into adverse outcomes and cannot be detected from aggregate demographic data. Gender preference for children is captured in various Japanese surveys, however. Moreover, research on gender preference for children in Japan is in fact not a new area within the Japanese sociological and demographic literature. A gradual decline in son preference and an increasing preference for daughters among the Japanese has been revealed by a number of large-scale national surveys. A clear tendency for daughter preference is evident in some of these surveys especially among women. Some papers analyzing these data have also been published in Japanese journals. Demographic Research: Volume 28, Article 36 http://www.demographic-research.org 1025 Several Japanese surveys have found a trend for daughter preference by asking respondents about their gender preference. The most prominent survey is the Japanese National Fertility Survey (JNFS), conducted every five years by the National Institute of Population and Social Security Research. It reveals that preference for daughters over sons has become increasingly common since the 1980s. The report of the Single Persons Study of the 12th JNFS illustrates a decline in son preference and an increase in daughter preference between 1982 and 2002 among single men (Table 1) and single women (Table 2) (National Institute of Population and Social Security Research 2004). For instance, in 1982, while only 20% and 40% of single men and women (respectively) whose ideal number of children was one child preferred a daughter, these percentages had increased to 53% and 70% in the 2002 survey. Table 1: Ideal gender composition of children by survey year and ideal number of children Ideal Gender Composition 8th JNFS (1982) 9th JNFS (1987) 10th JNFS (1992) 11th JNFS (1997) 12th JNFS (2002) Males (%) Females (%) Males (%) Females (%) Males (%) Females (%) Males (%) Females (%) Males (%) Females (%) 1 Child 1 boy and 0 girls 80.0 59.6 69.8 51.8 58.2 40.5 51.2 36.4 47.1 30.4 0 boys and 1 girl 20.0 40.4 30.2 48.2 41.8 59.5 48.8 63.6 52.9 69.6 2 Children 2 boys and 0 girls 7.9 1.3 5.7 2.9 6.7 3.9 4.9 1.9 4.2 1.5 1 boy and 1 girl 91.0 94.0 92.9 91.4 91.2 90.6 92.1 89.8 92.8 91.8 0 boys and 2 girls 1.1 4.7 1.4 5.7 2.0 5.6 3.0 8.3 3.0 8.2 3 Children 3 boys and 0 girls 2.4 0.9 2.9 0.7 3.1 0.7 4.1 1.7 2.0 2.5 2 boys and 1 girl 80.2 67.0 77.9 62.0 72.3 62.2 69.9 50.5 65.1 46.8 1 boy and 2 girls 16.8 32.0 18.6 36.5 23.2 35.3 24.9 46.8 31.0 50.0 0 boys and 3 girls 0.6 0.1 0.6 0.8 1.3 1.8 1.1 1.0 2.0 0.7 Source: Adopted from Report on the Twelfth Japanese National Fertility Survey, Volume II: Attitudes Toward Marriage and the Family Among Japanese Singles. (National Institute of Population and Social Security Research 2004). The Study of the Japanese National Character, a large-scale national survey of adults conducted every five years, includes a series of questions concerning perceptions of gender differences. One of these questions asks whether they want a boy or a girl if they were to have only one child. In 1988, more respondents preferred a boy (32%) than a girl (29%), whereas in 2003, the percentage of those preferring a girl (47%) was 3 37% of respondents reported “no preference” and 1% reported “other.” Fuse: Daughter preference in Japan: A reflection of gender role attitudes? 1026 http://www.demographic-research.org greater than those reporting a preference for a boy (27%) 4 (Institute of Statistical Mathematics 2004). Child gender preference differs for men and women, however. Among male respondents, although the percentage preferring a boy was higher (41%) than the percentage preferring a girl (28%) in 2003, the percentage gap had narrowed since the 1988 survey when 45% preferred a boy and 15% preferred a girl. Females tended to prefer a daughter even in the 1988 survey (40% preferred a daughter and 22% preferred a son), and this tendency had intensified by 2003 (64% preferred a girl and only 16% preferred a boy). The Japanese General Social Survey (JGSS), a national public opinion survey of adults 20 years of age or older also asks respondents whether they want a boy or a girl if they were to have only one child. Survey results from 2000 indicated that among men, 61% wanted a boy and 35% wanted a girl, while among women, 26% preferred a boy and 70% wanted a girl child (Iwai and Sato 2002). In addition, scholars have examined gender preference through analyses of demographic data. Sakai (1989) analyzed parity progression ratios using 1985 data of retrospective birth histories of married women 40 years of age or older. While his results suggested son preference among the oldest cohort in the sample (60+ years old), he found a pattern for balance preference among the younger cohorts (40+ years old cohort and 50+ years old cohort). In an analysis of pregnancy histories and reproductive intentions of married women in 1997, Sato and Iwasawa (1998) found that those who do not have any boys or any girls at any given pregnancy were more likely to have intended to become pregnant, suggesting a tendency for balance preference. A more recent study examining couples’ sex compositions of existing children and their intentions to have another child found that those whose first child was a son or first two children were sons were more inclined to intend to have another child, suggesting a desire for at least one daughter (Moriizumi 2008). A slight daughter preference was observed as early as the 1980s in a study conducted by Sakai (1989). He analyzed retrospective pregnancy and birth histories of married women with at least one child using the 8 JNFS (conducted in 1982). Overall, an examination of parity progressions suggested considerable balance preference and a slight tendency for daughter preference. The sex of existing children influenced the probability of having another child even after controlling for other demographic variables such as the wife’s education, place of residence, and household income. In addition, the effect of having only sons on having another child was found to be greater among younger cohorts net of other demographic characteristics. In a later study, Sakai (1996) examined sex ratios of children being adopted, raised in foster homes, killed in accidents, and enrolled in special education (e.g. schools for the deaf). He found that 4 24% of respondents reported “no preference.” Demographic Research: Volume 28, Article 36 http://www.demographic-research.org 1027 that the sex ratios of children being adopted and raised in foster homes have increased since the 1970s and suggested this is a clear indication of parents increasingly wanting to keep their biological daughters due to daughter preference. These reports and studies are valuable in that they provide an overview of gender preference among the Japanese. Largely missing in the literature is empirical research that investigates the motivation for this unique shift from son to daughter preference. In particular, very little is known about who exhibits daughter preference and why they prefer daughters.